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The #MeToo movement hit critical mass in 2017, sparked by explosive revelations against Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Dozens of women came forward with detailed accounts of sexual abuse and harassment, setting off a global reckoning. The movement toppled powerful figures across entertainment, politics, and business. It also exposed a culture of silence and complicity—one where harassment was not only widespread but often met with indifference, retaliation, or cover-up.
In response, many state legislatures revised or strengthened their policies to address sexual misconduct. With a growing number of women holding office, some observers say the “boys’ club” mentality is no longer the norm in statehouses. Still, allegations of misconduct continue to emerge at both the state and executive levels.
Since 2017, the Associated Press has tracked at least 147 state lawmakers in 44 states accused of sexual harassment or misconduct. Over a third either resigned or were expelled. Another third faced consequences like losing leadership roles. Among those implicated were 12 top state officials, including governors and attorneys general—most of whom also resigned, revealed the AP investigation, published on PBS News.
These allegations include misconduct within state government and incidents beyond it, such as the 2024 resignation of Minnesota Republican Sen. Justin Eichorn, who was charged with soliciting a minor for prostitution. His legal representation was still pending at the time of his resignation.
Although most cases were reported in the early years of #MeToo, new allegations have continued to surface each year. In 2024 alone, the AP identified at least 14 state lawmakers accused of misconduct—double the number reported the previous year.
According to the National Women’s Defense League (NWDL), which monitors harassment policies in government, both political parties are implicated nearly equally, and 94% of accused lawmakers are men.
New Policies, Uneven Transparency
An AP survey conducted between November and January found that about half of the country’s legislative chambers had revised their sexual harassment policies within the past five years. Some changes are more comprehensive than others.
Nevada, for instance, broadened its definition of sexual harassment to include visual conduct, such as offensive photos or gestures. Kentucky took steps to formally classify harassment as “ethical misconduct,” a move made years after four lawmakers secretly settled a harassment claim with a staffer.
Back in 2017, about a third of state chambers didn’t require harassment training for lawmakers. Today, nearly all offer some form of training, although it isn’t always mandatory. The style, content, and frequency of training also vary. Experts say that frequent, in-person training using real-life scenarios is most effective. Yet according to the AP, only about one-third of legislative chambers conduct such training annually.
Transparency remains a major issue. Several legislative bodies refused to share their harassment policies with the AP, claiming the documents were internal or simply ignoring the request. Among those were the Oklahoma Senate, both chambers in West Virginia, and the Mississippi Senate. The Arkansas Senate stands out as the only one without a specific sexual harassment policy—though officials there say a general ethics code allows for disciplinary action.
In California, lawmakers created an independent investigative body to handle harassment complaints. While this marks progress, findings are only made public if the accused is a legislator or senior staff member and the claim is substantiated.
Has the Culture Really Changed?
Opinions vary on whether meaningful change has occurred. Some lawmakers say fear of exposure has made male colleagues more cautious.
“I think maybe the men are afraid to do anything lest I am doing a press conference about them next,” said Pennsylvania Rep. Abby Major, recalling a 2022 incident in which a fellow legislator propositioned her and followed her to her car. “If that’s what it takes to keep people acting right, then that’s fine. I’ll be the boogeyman.”
Others say change stems not from new rules but from women gaining power. Michigan Sen. Mallory McMorrow, who filed a complaint in 2020 against Republican Sen. Peter Lucido, said that having more women in leadership has changed the culture of governance. Lucido did not respond to requests for comment.
According to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, the number of female state lawmakers surged in 2018 following Democratic gains in the midterms. Women now hold 33% of legislative seats nationwide, though this varies by state.
Yet sexism persists—particularly in male-dominated, Republican-led chambers. Georgia Rep. Shea Roberts, who resigned as Democratic Caucus treasurer in protest after a leader was accused of harassment, said expectations around how women should behave still linger. “Sometimes it feels like we should just smile more and not be disruptive and not challenge anyone. That hasn’t gone away,” she said.
The Cost of Speaking Out
Reporting harassment can come at a steep personal and professional cost. While some statehouses have created independent bodies to investigate complaints, many still handle them internally—raising concerns about impartiality. The AP’s survey revealed that only about 25% of legislative chambers mandate external investigations, with many others allowing it only at the discretion of leadership.
In Oregon, an annual report from the Legislative Equity Office showed that staffers reached out more than any other group for help. Democratic Sen. Sara Gelser Blouin, who filed a complaint in 2017 about inappropriate touching from a fellow senator, described the emotional toll of going public. “I still remember the first time I turned on the radio and heard my name and people talking about my breasts or my thighs,” she said. “It felt very, very invasive.”
Even with legal protections against retaliation, reputations can be permanently impacted. Gabrielle Brock was 23 and working in communications for Indiana Senate Democrats when she and three other women accused then-Attorney General Curtis Hill of groping them at a party in 2018. Hill denied the allegations but lost re-election in 2020 and later failed in a bid for governor.
The accusers, including Brock, all left their Statehouse jobs. “Every woman had a story of some kind of inappropriate interaction, primarily with an elected official,” she said. They ultimately dropped their lawsuit in late 2023, saying a trial wouldn’t bring relief.
Hill referred to the allegations as “vague” and “thin.”
Still a Long Way to Go
Despite modest gains, men still make up two-thirds of all U.S. state lawmakers. While #MeToo amplified women’s voices, it also created space for men to reflect and speak out.
Kansas Rep. Mark Schreiber recalled a “boys will be boys” culture when he first began working around the Statehouse. Over time, he said, men started to understand that the focus was misplaced. “We’re blaming the wrong people,” he said. “We need to correct the behavior of these men.”
Advocates stress that further change is critical to making statehouses safer and more inclusive—and to encouraging more women to run for office. “When men run for office, it’s about whether they can do the job,” said Minnesota Sen. Erin Maye Quade. “When women run for office, it’s about a lot more than that.”
Debbie Walsh of the Center for American Women and Politics believes the movement has made progress, but it’s far from finished. Pointing to sexual misconduct allegations against members of former President Donald Trump’s cabinet—and the president himself—Walsh said, “It sends a message of normalization about this kind of behavior.”
“I do think things are better than they were. I do think the MeToo movement had an impact,” she added. “But that momentum has to stay because it doesn’t just get fixed in a couple of years.”
